AIJAC

About AIJAC
Issues
Media Releases
The Review
Resources
Links
Search
Contact Us
Home

 


November 1999

Asia Watch

WAHID'S WORLD

He’s a traditional Muslim cleric who heads the largest Muslim organisation in the world, in the most populous Muslim nation in the world; he won the Indonesian presidency by using as a springboard his "Axis Force" of Islamically oriented parties and stitching up votes from Golkar after the withdrawal of BJ Habibie from the contest; nearly blind, frail and after two strokes in the last two years, he outmanouvred his erstwhile opposition alliance partners Megawati and Amien Rais; and he openly favours Indonesia establishing diplomatic relations with Israel. This is only part of the enigma that is Abdurrahman Wahid, Indonesia’s new president. No-one better exemplifies the intriguing nature of Indonesian politics, where strategic alliances are ever in motion and those who are not active enough in building relationships with those that count (read Megawati) will finish second.

Although Wahid’s immediate challenges lay in achieving domestic stability and economic recovery, sometime later, the establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel could become a reality. Two years ago, Wahid spoke exclusively to the Review on this prospect, saying, "In due time, if the government decides to have relations with Israel, it will stick." Indeed, Wahid has twice visited Israel, most recently to participate in the launching of Shimon Peres’ Institute for Peace in Jerusalem in 1997 (and to visit the grave of Yitzhak Rabin). Such visits to Israel - not to mention his enthusiasm at Israel’s experience in democracy, economic development and managing diverse ethnic populations - have drawn criticism from some quarters in the past, notably from his current ally Amien Rais. Wahid told me then, "Of course there would be demonstrations [over diplomatic ties with Israel] ... but for the people at large, they are looking at results. If the relationship is something beneficial, they will take it."

Wahid is popularly known as ‘Gus Dur’, which translates as "older brother". The diminutive Islamic preacher contends that "Islam is a way of life. Its adherents should follow it voluntarily, [without] any legislation from the state." This enlightened, moderate (and often underestimated) face of Islamic Indonesia may surprise many.

BACK IN THE RAIS

Despite his modest showing in the June national elections, Indonesian reform spokesman and erstwhile Muslim ideologue Amien Rais managed to be elected to the influential and prestigious position of Chairman of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) - somewhat equivalent to Speaker but made more important by agreed moves to reduce the powers of the presidency. Gaining support from Golkar and military members of the MPR was the key to Rais’ win, which seemed to signal the demise of the precarious unity in opposition between Rais, Wahid and Megawati prior to the national elections. However, such is the complexity of alliances in Indonesian politics that Rais threw himself behind Wahid’s bid for the presidency, in an Islamic coalition known as the "Axis Force".

All’s well that ends well. In the lead up to the October 20 vote in the MPR for the president, thousands of supporters of Megawati and Wahid gathered in Jakarta’s streets. Amien Rais was kept extremely busy announcing the nomination, renomination and withdrawal of some heavy-hitting candidates for the top positions, including Golkar Chairman Akbar Tanjung and Army chief General Wiranto. In the end, Megawati’s rabid fans were mollified by her consolation victory in the Vice Presidential ballot and a surreal calm came to the streets of Jakarta.

TAKE THE GOOD WITH THE BAD

Only a brave commentator would claim that Malaysia’s Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammed is definitely mellowing with age. But in his speech to the United Nations General Assembly on September 29, Dr Mahathir said, in reviewing the twentieth century, "It saw the most inhuman dictatorship in Germany where six million Jews were tortured and killed." They may not sound like controversial words, but coming from Dr Mahathir, who managed to have the film Schindler’s List banned from Malaysia in 1994 on the grounds that it evoked sympathies for the Jews at the expense of the Germans, they were notable. Still, further into his speech, Dr Mahathir dismissed the West’s "touching concern over human rights", suggesting the West itself is the problem. "Before it was the Communists who stirred up rebellion everywhere... now we have the Liberal democrats doing exactly the same in the same manner, complete with supply of arms."

Meanwhile, a mid-October meeting in New York between Malaysian Foreign Minster Syed Hamid Albar and his Israeli counterpart David Levy sparked a street protest and criticism from the opposition Parti Islam seMalaysia. Syed defended the meeting, insisting Kuala Lumpur had no plans to recognise the Jewish state.

GUESS WHO’S TO BLAME

A Japanese magazine triggered a fierce row with the Simon Wiesenthal Centre after it published an article claiming "a Jewish financial clique" will pocket huge profits by taking over Japan’s crippled Long-Term Credit Bank. The October 15 story in the Shukan Post, Japan’s second biggest selling weekly, said "Wall Street Jews" were behind the recent agreement by Ripplewood Holdings, a New York-based investment group, to take over LTCB. Some Japanese complained that their government was effectively giving foreigners the billions of yen in public funds spent trying to rescue the bank. The Simon Wiesenthal Centre in Los Angeles reacted to the article by contacting Toyota and several other major advertisers, asking them to pressure the magazine into publishing a retraction and an apology. In 1996, the SWC took similar action against Japan’s Marco Polo magazine after it published an article asserting that key historical details of the Holocaust were untrue. One major advertiser withdrew its ads, the editor was fired and the magazine closed.

MICHAEL SHANNON

   
 
 

About AIJAC | Issues | Media Releases | The Review | Resources | Links | Search | Contact Us | Home

Copyright © AIJAC 1999
Last Updated 3 September, 2001